The rise of the Sadrists in Iraq may reflect a new type of nationalistic Middle East politics, offering a viable alternative to traditional choices that Christians have

By Martin Accad

In Iraq’s first parliamentary elections since its devastation by ISIS from Summer 2014, the coalition of Moqtada al-Sadr has surprised everyone with its ability to collect the highest number of votes on the 12^th of May of 2018. In an interesting article in An-Nahar Daily on 18 May, Monalisa Freiha compares the May parliamentary elections of Iraq and Lebanon. Though the two phenomena were marked by a vast success by both Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Sadrists in Iraq, there are interesting contrasts between the two. The Hezbollah achievement represents a further victory for Iranian interests in the region, whereas the Sadrist achievement reflects a challenge to that hegemony.

Analysis

Victory for both groups was largely the result of high turnout among loyalists, as opposed to low turnouts nationally. In Lebanon, the turnout was estimated at about 49%, whereas in Iraq only 44.5% of registered voters cast ballot. The controversial Iraqi cleric rose to victory on anti-corruption and anti-sectarian platforms, as did Hezbollah in the latest elections of Lebanon. Muqtada al-Sadr adopted a new nationalistic tone in his political discourse, reflected in his coalition with the communist party and civil society organizations. It is expected that the rise of Sadrism will undermine Iranian influence on Iraqi politics and the region. On the other hand, the high pro-Hezbollah turnout continued, seemingly, in its traditional pro-Iranian line in Lebanon.

Should we worry about the rising tide of Shiism in the region? Are we up against a new brand of authoritarian religious fascism that will become prominent in the 21^st century? Or do these victories reflect the rise of a new kind of nationalism that may offer a viable alternative to religious extremism of the latter part of the twentieth? A further comparison of both achievements may be interesting.

Theological Perspectives

When we observe the rise of this new sort of nationalism, we must not confuse it with Nasirim or Baathism, which were popular as reactionary pan-nationalist movements during the post-colonial period of the twentieth century. In a recent Ted Talk, Yuval Noah Harari advances that nationalism can too quickly be confused with dictatorship and/or fascism. “Fascism,” he argues, “tells me that my nation is supreme, and that I have exclusive obligations towards it;” whereas nationalism, though it tells me that my nation is unique (not supreme), allows for multiple identities and loyalties. Moderate nationalism may actually represent the best protection against fascism. Fascism puts the nation above everything else and promotes a discourse that requires allegiance to the nation even above ethical concerns or human interests.

Nationalism, by contrast, affirms the importance of allegiance to the nation as a unifying factor, but not at the expense of higher values and principles. Harari argues that some of today’s most nationalistic countries, such as Switzerland, Sweden, and Japan, are also among the most stable and democratic in the world.

Harari notes that, as a result of the horrors of the Holocaust during the Second World War, fascism has tended to be represented “as a hideous monster, without really explaining what was so seductive about it.” He observes, in contrast, that Christianity gets it right when, in its art, “Satan is usually depicted as a gorgeous hunk.”

Harari argues that fascism has been expressing itself recently most notably through technology. He advances that “the machine,” too closely controlled by heads of governments or a small elite in the 21^st century, has replaced the dictatorial struggle for land control that drove fascist ideologies of previous eras. The struggle, then, which we must face in this day and age, might well be one against technofascism. Christians globally had better keep this in mind as they make economic and political choices.

In contrast with the way that governments have been using data trends and preferences for excessive control both of financial markets and politics, God has not used his knowledge of human preferences and choices for the manipulation of our freedom throughout human history. It takes divine grace and love in order not to use “data” trends and preferences in an abusive manner that jeopardizes free choice.

From the perspective of this contrast between nationalism and fascism, a rising nationalism such as the one promoted by Muqtada al-Sadr may offer new promise for Iraq, and it may represent an interesting new model for other Arab countries in a post-Uprisings era. In contrast, Hezbollah’s achievement continues to promote a pan-nationalist pro-Iran agenda that may not continue to be in popular favor in coming years, unless the group is able to push for a believable nationally-focused agenda, as it has attempted to do in the past few years. Their most recent programmatic focus on anti-sectarianism and anti-corruption may reflect a new push in this direction.

Missiological Implications

As Middle East Christians, who have usually aligned ourselves with political despots who have offered us favors, we are called in this new stage to form new allegiances within our diverse societies. As we pay attention to new trends of shifting politics, rather than pursuing our historical loyalties to the strong father-figure of the nation, who tends to follow patterns of fascistic totalitarianism, we must seek out new options. There would appear to be a viable alternative in emerging voices of moderate nationalism, which pursue the interests of the nations in which we live, across sectarian boundaries, and – as they arise – through anti-corruption politics.